These rules of transparency and accountability are similar to those set out in other international agreements. Although the system does not include financial sanctions, the requirements are intended to easily monitor the progress of individual nations and promote a sense of overall group pressure, discouraging any towing of feet among countries that might consider it. Another key difference between the Paris Agreement and the Kyoto Protocol is its scope. While the Kyoto Protocol distinguishes between Schedule 1 countries and those not annexed to Schedule 1, this branch is scrambled in the Paris Agreement, as all parties must submit emission reduction plans.  While the Paris Agreement continues to emphasize the principle of “common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities” – the recognition that different nations have different capacities and duties to combat climate change – it does not offer a specific separation between developed and developing countries.  It therefore appears that negotiators will have to continue to address this issue in future rounds of negotiations, although the debate on differentiation could take on a new dynamic.  However, it is important to remember that the Paris agreement is not static. Instead, it must strengthen countries` national efforts over time – meaning that current commitments are the terrain, not the ceiling, of climate change ambitions. Labor`s emissions – continuing to reduce emissions by 2030 and 2050 – have yet to be implemented and the agreement provides the instruments to ensure that this happens. The EU has been at the forefront of international efforts to combat climate change. It played an important role in mediating the Paris Agreement and continues to play a leading role at the global level. The NDC partnership was launched at COP22 in Marrakech to improve cooperation so that countries have access to the technical knowledge and financial support they need to achieve major climate and sustainable development goals. The NDC partnership is led by a steering committee made up of industrialized and developing countries and international institutions and is supported by a support unit organized by the World Resources Institute and based in Washington, D.C.
and Bonn, Germany. The NDC partnership is co-chaired by the governments of Costa Rica and the Netherlands and has 93 Member States, 21 institutional partners and 10 associate members. Implementation of the agreement by all Member States will be evaluated every five years, with the first evaluation in 2023. The result will be used as an input for new national contributions from Member States.  The inventory will not be national contributions/achievements, but a collective analysis of what has been achieved and what remains to be done. It will also enable the contracting parties to gradually strengthen their contributions to the fight against climate change in order to achieve the long-term objectives of the agreement. The 197 “negotiators” committed to developing long-term strategies to develop low-greenhouse gas emissions. This is the first time that a universal agreement has been reached in the fight against climate change. Finally, instead of giving China and India a passport to pollution, as Trump asserts, the pact is the first time these two major developing countries have agreed on concrete and ambitious climate commitments. The two countries, which are already poised to be world leaders in renewable energy, have made considerable progress in achieving their Paris goals.
And since Trump announced his intention to withdraw the United States from the agreement, the Chinese and Indian leaders have reaffirmed their commitment and continued to implement domestic policies to achieve their goals. To combat climate change and its negative effects, 197 countries adopted the Paris Agreement at COP21 on 12 December 2015 in Paris. The agreement, which came into force less than a year later, aims to significantly reduce global emissions of